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๐—จ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜€๐˜๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป. ๐—˜๐˜…๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ถ๐—ฝ๐˜‚๐—น๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป.

03/02/2026

๐Ÿšจ๐—–๐—ฎ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—˜๐—จ'๐˜€ ๐——๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ถ๐˜๐—ฎ๐—น ๐—ฆ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐˜ƒ๐—ถ๐—ฐ๐—ฒ ๐—”๐—ฐ๐˜ ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ ๐˜‚๐˜€๐—ฒ๐—ฑ, ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ต๐—ผ๐˜„ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ฝ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜ƒ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฎ๐—ฐ๐˜ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—™๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ถ๐—ด๐—ป ๐—œ๐—ป๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—บ๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐— ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ถ๐—ฝ๐˜‚๐—น๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ป ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐—œ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ณ๐—ฒ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ฒ (๐—™๐—œ๐— ๐—œ) ๐—œ๐—ป๐—ฐ๐—ถ๐—ฑ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐˜€, is a topic of the ๐—˜๐—จ ๐——๐—ถ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ณ๐—ผ ๐—Ÿ๐—ฎ๐—ฏ's recent report, ๐‘น๐’†๐’ˆ๐’–๐’๐’‚๐’•๐’๐’“๐’š ๐‘ช๐’‰๐’‚๐’๐’๐’†๐’๐’ˆ๐’†๐’” & ๐‘ฎ๐’‚๐’‘๐’” ๐’Š๐’ ๐‘จ๐’…๐’…๐’“๐’†๐’”๐’”๐’Š๐’๐’ˆ ๐‘บ๐’š๐’”๐’•๐’†๐’Ž๐’Š๐’„ ๐‘ท๐’๐’‚๐’•๐’‡๐’๐’“๐’Ž ๐‘จ๐’ƒ๐’–๐’”๐’†.

๐Ÿ‘‰Through the analysis of Incident Alerts generated by the ๐—™๐——๐—˜๐—œ ๐—ฝ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—ท๐—ฒ๐—ฐ๐˜, EU DisinfoLab has assessed how existing DSA provisions could apply to the observed behaviours of VLOPs regarding systemic risk assessments, mitigations and other hosting providers. They also talk about the implications of inconsistent platform enforcement and the applicability of DSA provisions and potential violations. Find the report link in the comments.

29/01/2026

๐Ÿ”Ž๐—ช๐—ต๐˜† ๐—ฑ๐—ผ ๐˜„๐—ฒ ๐—ป๐—ฒ๐—ฒ๐—ฑ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐˜€๐—ต๐—ถ๐—ณ๐˜ ๐—ผ๐˜‚๐—ฟ ๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฐ๐˜‚๐˜€ ๐—ณ๐—ฟ๐—ผ๐—บ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น๐˜†๐˜‡๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—ป๐˜๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐—ฎ๐—ป๐—ฎ๐—น๐˜†๐˜‡๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ฏ๐—ฒ๐—ต๐—ฎ๐˜ƒ๐—ถ๐—ผ๐—ฟ?

๐Ÿ‘‰Foreign Information Manipulation Interference (FIMI) is not necessarily illegal, at least not overtly. This makes the jobs of researchers difficult as it limits the legal repercussions at our disposal.

๐Ÿ‘‰By shifting our focus from content to behaviour and documenting coordination patterns, automation, and amplification, as well as investing in improving our attribution, we will be better able to generate legal arguments for the removal of FIMI content.

โ—As the ๐—˜๐—จ ๐——๐—ถ๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—Ÿ๐—ฎ๐—ฏ lays out in their report ๐—ฅ๐—ฒ๐—ด๐˜‚๐—น๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜† ๐—–๐—ต๐—ฎ๐—น๐—น๐—ฒ๐—ป๐—ด๐—ฒ๐˜€ & ๐—š๐—ฎ๐—ฝ๐˜€ ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐—”๐—ฑ๐—ฑ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐˜€๐˜€๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ด ๐—ฆ๐˜†๐˜€๐˜๐—ฒ๐—บ๐—ถ๐—ฐ ๐—ฃ๐—น๐—ฎ๐˜๐—ณ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐—บ ๐—”๐—ฏ๐˜‚๐˜€๐—ฒ, โ€œplatforms tend to act more decisively when presented with misuse of their services through inauthenticity.โ€ For more valuable insights on regulations, systemic platform abuse, and the DSA, check out the link in the comment.

22/01/2026

๐ŸฅธUnattributed networks working in Moldova during the September 2025 Parliamentary election amplified Kremlin-aligned narratives and manipulated digital discourse, concentrating on Telegram, TikTok, and Facebook as covert amplifiers of disinformation.

โ˜‘๏ธThrough the dedicated research of ๐——๐—™๐—ฅ๐—Ÿ๐—ฎ๐—ฏ and ๐—ข๐—ฝ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐— ๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฑ๐˜€, we determined that this Russian operation hid coordination behind simulated grassroots participation and automated interaction patterns.

๐Ÿ”Ž ๐—™๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ฑ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—น๐—ถ๐—ป๐—ธ๐˜€ ๐˜๐—ผ ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฟ๐—ฒ๐—ฝ๐—ผ๐—ฟ๐˜๐˜€ ๐—ถ๐—ป ๐˜๐—ต๐—ฒ ๐—ฐ๐—ผ๐—บ๐—บ๐—ฒ๐—ป๐˜๐˜€.

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