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Saving Pakistan
Ashraf Jehangir Qazi

PAKISTAN is imploding, with the president and prime minister at war, the judiciary divided and the military considering its options. The Supreme Court will protect the Constitution and ensure the victory of the rule of law over the law of the jungle. The politics of the country has been reduced to whether we support or oppose Imran Khan, and the climate catastrophe is barely mentioned in our political discourse. We must find common ground on which to move forward, and support for Imran Khan provides it. Despite his polarising figure, the relatively young of Pakistan still repose their hopes in him.

The younger and poorer of Pakistan contrast the alleged human frailties and foibles of Imran Khan with their perception of the cynicism and incorrigible corruption of his opponents. This renders him electorally unbeatable, and an interim consensus of support for Imran Khan may be the most practical way forward. Those who believe in him should hold him accountable to his promises and expectations, while those who have less faith in him should acknowledge the fact that he has brought about an unprecedented awareness of elite betrayal. Imran now has to demonstrate he is a true leader and will never again be a dependent partner of the 'establishment'. To be more than a mountebank, he will have to reinvent himself to join the ranks of true leaders, nation builders and servants of the people.

Political leadership must share in the national sacrifices that national transformation policies require of the people, as demonstrated by Moshe Dayan and Mao's Long March. Manifestos, action programmes, budgetary priorities and resource mobilisation strategies are accessible through reports, studies, analyses and expert advice. An informed public opinion is essential for radical national reconstruction, which requires a comprehensive sociopolitical and economic revolution. Imran Khan has compromised with the establishment before, but he seems willing to be co-opted again. Unprincipled compromise will sink Imran and Pakistan.

Root of the issue
Tasneem Noorani

The most important details in this text are the similarities between the countries in the region that were colonised by the British and allowed self-governance 75 years ago and the role of the generals in the country's history. These similarities include the per capita GDP of Singapore, Malaysia, Burma, India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, and the fact that Pakistan and Burma are at the bottom of the list. The role of the military has been more pervasive and prolonged in Myanmar than in any other country in the region, making it one notch below Pakistan in the well-being index. Elections were held in 1990, but power was not transferred. In 1992, Saw Maung was replaced by Gen Than Shwe, who relaxed some curbs on the popular leader Aung San Suu Kyi, but insisted on a major role for the military and suspended the National Convention.

In 2005, the government reconvened the National Convention for the first time since 1993 in an attempt to rewrite the constitution but only allowed for some handpicked parties. In 2007, protests against the military started but were crushed ruthlessly. In 2008, a referendum was announced for a new constitution, with elections to be held in 2010. In 2011-12, the military-backed government introduced many democratic reforms, and in 2015, the country was made chairman of ASEAN and Hillary Cli­nton visited the country. In 2020, Suu Kyaw Soe Oo's NLD won 396 seats in a parliament of 476, while the military-sponsored USDP won only 33.

In 2021, the military detained and handed over power to its chief, Gen Min Aung Hlaing, leading to a disobedience movement by healthcare workers and civil servants. Despite their peaceful methods of protest, human rights agencies report that over 2,000 people were killed and hundreds of thousands were displaced due to armed insurgencies and turmoil.