CSS Knowledge Desk

summary of the article “Back to war”:

The article reports that the tentative US-Iran ceasefire has effectively collapsed, with renewed American strikes and Iranian retaliation threatening the interim peace deal barely a month after it was signed. President Trump has announced the resumption of the blockade, while Iran has closed the Strait of Hormuz. Trump’s escalatory rhetoric—threatening to seize control of the strategic waterway and charge commercial vessels 20% on cargo value for protection services—has added a more explosive dimension and violated global norms of freedom of navigation. The contest has now turned into a battle for Hormuz. While a return to full‑fledged war may not be imminent, the latest developments have made it far harder to reach a negotiated peace deal. Iran’s retaliatory strikes on US bases demonstrate continued military capacity, and the closure of Hormuz will worsen global recessionary pressures. Israel, which opposed the interim agreement, now sees a fresh opportunity to restart the war, with its defence minister vowing to resume military campaigns “with even greater force”. A renewed US-Israel war on Iran is likely to place Pakistan, which mediated the ceasefire and secured the MoU, in a precarious diplomatic situation. The article concludes that the collapse of the ceasefire and the blockade have made it difficult to bring the negotiation process back on track, and it remains to be seen how Pakistan’s leadership will steer the country through such a critical situation. The writer is a former ambassador to the US, UK, and UN.

Summary of the article “The language issue”:

The article examines the language challenge in Pakistan’s English‑medium schools, where teachers often revert to Urdu because they believe students “won’t understand otherwise”. While this makes lessons temporarily accessible, it prevents students from developing academic English vocabulary and creates widening learning gaps. The author notes that the government has failed to resolve the language conundrum through policy measures, leaving schools to navigate conflicting expectations: teach in English for examinations, use Urdu for accessibility, and respect regional languages for cultural legitimacy. Parents want English‑medium instruction, while activists advocate for mother‑tongue education. The author argues that shortcuts such as learning prepared answers throw students into disadvantage for life, as English proficiency becomes a gatekeeper to higher education and employment. The article proposes blended learning strategies—audio and visual support, digital worksheets, and content that can be revisited—to bring students up to speed. Technology and AI offer access and opportunity, and teachers can also improve their own language and subject expertise through these tools. The author concludes that barriers are not permanent and can be overcome with access to digital tools and professional development for teachers. The writer is an author, teacher educator, and Fellow of the Higher Education Academy, UK.

Summary of the article “The curse of the oracle”:

The article describes the systematic killing of Palestinian children in Gaza, drawing a parallel to ancient myths and biblical prophecies. The author cites a UN report by Justice S. Muralidhar, chairperson of the Independent International Commission of Inquiry, which observes that Palestinian children are being strategically killed and maimed to fulfil the mythical promise of a "Greater Israel" (from the Euphrates to the Mediterranean Sea). The article notes the precision targeting of an infant's head by a sniper, and the broader pattern of genocide. The author references the biblical Amalek—cousins of ancient Israelites who became sworn enemies—and how Prime Minister Netanyahu damns Palestinians as the Amalek. The article also compares the slaughter to Hitler's murder of over a quarter of a million Jewish children, and notes that the N**i rationale was a combination of logistics and racism (concluding that unemployable children did not need food). The author mentions how the male child has featured in political challenges, while the female child is targeted as a socially defined burden. He also notes that some of the most horrific details of the bloodletting have come from Israeli soldiers who carried out orders but were unprepared for the toll on their conscience, drawing a parallel to Lady Macbeth's trauma. The author concludes that the planned elimination of a people in occupied lands to fulfil some oracle's command has not left young Israeli soldiers unsinged. The writer is Dawn's correspondent in Delhi.

Summary of the article “World Bank’s ‘magical discovery’”:

The article criticises a recent World Bank report on Pakistan’s fiscal federalism, arguing that it presents technical solutions to what are essentially political problems. The report catalogues weaknesses (expenditure assignments, provincial revenue mobilisation, NFC Award reforms, local government empowerment) but treats them as technical oversights rather than deliberate political incentives. The author notes that for decades, the World Bank championed decentralisation (the 18th Amendment) as a pathway to accountability; now that Pakistan faces fiscal stress, the narrative has shifted, with decentralisation portrayed as a source of fragmentation and instability. The report criticises federal encroachment into provincial domains but fails to examine the incentives (patronage networks, bureaucratic empires, donor‑funded projects supporting balance of payments). Provinces are unwilling to tax their own bases because their fiscal surpluses are transferred to finance federal deficits. The author argues that the World Bank has been engaged in Pakistan for decades—through structural adjustment programmes, governance reforms, tax administration projects—and has exercised comparable influence over public policy, yet it never consistently elevated these weaknesses as central policy concerns. The report presents them as if they were newly emerging threats, but they were embedded in the system all along. The author notes that domestic economists, constitutional experts, and policy commissions have long highlighted the tension between expenditure decentralisation and revenue centralisation; none of this was hidden. The article concludes that a credible assessment would have included a chapter titled “What we got wrong”, and asks how an institution so deeply involved in Pakistan’s development arrived so late to a conclusion that Pakistan has identified all along. The writer is a former governor of the State Bank.

Summary of the article “Thousand-day war”:

Israel’s genocidal war on Gaza has exceeded 1,000 days, with over 73,000 Palestinians killed (including over 21,000 children), 80% of Gaza devastated, and over 200 journalists deliberately targeted and killed. Despite a ceasefire brokered by the US last October, Israeli strikes continue in violation of the truce. The world, however, has moved on—its focus fixed on the US‑Iran conflict, leaving Gaza relegated to the sidelines. Hamas recently announced it would transfer power in Gaza to a 13‑member technocratic committee (NCAG), established under President Trump’s peace plan, “to remove any pretexts for the occupation”. Israel dismissed the announcement as “a trick” to avoid disarming. The Board of Peace (BoP) said its assessment would be “guided by actions, not promises”, and insisted all weapons should be under NCAG control. Hamas has made it clear it will only disarm when Israel withdraws from Gaza and ends its occupation. Israel now occupies around 60% of Gaza, with its defence minister declaring forces would remain in “security zones” indefinitely. Talks in Cairo between Palestinian factions and BoP representatives, mediated by Qatar and Turkiye, continue but the deadlock persists. The US is entirely preoccupied with the Iran conflict—it rescinded the licence for Iranian oil sales and declared the ceasefire with Iran is over, though talks continue. The writer concludes that the longer the US‑Iran confrontation drags on, attention will be diverted from Gaza; and with Netanyahu facing re‑election amid dwindling public support, he is even less willing to advance the peace plan. Once again, Palestinians were promised peace but got death, destruction, and endless suffering. The writer is a former ambassador to the US, UK, and UN.

summary of the article “Easy to kill”:

The article opens with a reference to the film The Guns of Navarone, where Anthony Quinn’s character says “it is easy to kill,” but the author notes that in today’s occupied Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, and Iran, “it is easy to kill wherever and whenever Israel wants.” The author cites headlines from Dawn: “At least 20 killed as Israel continues attacks on Lebanon” and “Journalist among 11 killed in Israel’s assault on Gaza.” He then highlights the murder of Lebanese environmentalist Mona Khalil, who dedicated her life to protecting sea turtles and was killed by Israel. The UN Commission of Inquiry found that Israeli military operations continue to cause “unprecedented death, injury and trauma” to Palestinian children, and that the deliberate targeting of children is “a key indicator of Israeli authorities’ genocidal intent to destroy the Palestinian people.” The author criticises the gradual hardening of Israeli political and intellectual leadership, moving towards what he calls the “N**ification” of Israeli thinking—encouraging sa**sm among soldiers, as seen in the defence minister’s orders that there were “no restrictions” on eliminating threats in Lebanon, backed by Prime Minister Netanyahu’s commitment to remain in southern Lebanon. The author also briefly references the Balfour Declaration and the historical context of Western powers handing over Arab-majority Palestine to a minority, imported from Lithuania and Ukraine. The writer is Dawn’s External Ombudsman and an author.

summary of the article “Balochistan security crisis”:

The article examines the recent surge in violence in Balochistan, where Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Field Marshal Asim Munir declared a “mutual and singular decision” to eradicate terrorism. However, the author notes that while the apex committee met, a local jirga secured the release of hostages through direct negotiation with an armed group—without involvement of district administration. The author argues that insurgent groups (especially the BLA) remain geographically dispersed, operationally flexible, and strategically deliberate; the BLA conducted attacks in nine districts in June, and this month launched an assault in Chagai. The BLA is expanding into Pakhtun‑majority border districts (Qilla Abdullah, Pishin), traditionally TTP areas, indicating strategic expansion. Attacks on commercial and industrial assets (gas tankers, water tankers, bridges, transmission lines) aim to raise economic costs, discourage investment, and portray economic activity as exploitation of Baloch resources. The criminal threat has become critical, particularly in urban areas, with TTP and IS also active (e.g., assassination of two Christian cricketers in Mastung). Afghanistan plays a central role: it carried out drone attacks inside Balochistan, forcing Pakistani retaliation; Afghan nationals were involved in the attack on a Rangers camp in Karachi. The author warns that whenever violence decreases, the government claims victory, but when it increases, it blames external factors—without revisiting security policies. A single month of lower incidents should not be interpreted as decline; it may reflect tactical recalibration. The author concludes that no substantial change has been witnessed in state policy, and there may be a need to look deeper into these policies. Afghanistan should not be used as an excuse for the failure of security policies that are not working well. The writer is a security expert.

summary of the article “Growth & government”:

The article questions which level of government—federal or provincial—is better placed to promote economic growth in Pakistan. The author argues that sustained growth is a multi‑year process shaped by private investment, business confidence, technology, and international conditions—not an annual budget target. Under Pakistan’s current constitutional structure, almost all key elements required for growth (education, skills, law and order, contract enforcement, a conducive business environment) rest with the provinces, while the federal government’s primary responsibility is macroeconomic stability. Yet provincial spending receives little public scrutiny; resources allocated through the NFC Award often go to low‑yielding projects (e.g., free scooters) rather than productive mass transit systems. The author calls for a new growth paradigm: the centre must ensure macroeconomic stability, while provinces must take responsibility for growth functions within their jurisdiction. There should be growth competition among provinces, with citizens comparing performance on growth, productivity, infrastructure, investment, and ease of doing business. This requires credible provincial income accounts and GDP estimates. What is not measured is not questioned, and what is not questioned is unlikely to improve. Every provincial finance minister should be asked how their province is contributing to economic growth and productivity. The writer is an economist.

summary of the article “Abeyance without proof”:

The article argues that India’s decision to hold the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) in abeyance fails on two grounds. First, the term “abeyance” is unknown to the treaty and to the law of treaties—the IWT contains no suspension or exit clause, and Article XII(4) continues it in force until terminated by a duly ratified treaty between the two governments. Second, even according to India’s own logic, the step was premature because every fact it relies upon is disputed and none has been examined by any competent multilateral or bilateral forum. The tragic Pahalgam incident occurred on April 22, 2025; no Pakistani national was named in the FIR, and India assumed Pakistan’s involvement without proper investigation or cross‑border cooperation. India’s letter of April 24, 2025, linked “sustained cross‑border terrorism” to the treaty, but Article XI expressly confines the treaty to water and associated matters—terrorism is extraneous. Even if “proved”, it could not constitute a breach of this treaty. Pakistan categorically denies involvement, and the existence of the fact is thus in dispute; a disputed fact is an allegation, nothing more. The issues India relies upon—whether Pakistan was involved in Pahalgam, whether Pakistan is providing sustained cross‑border terrorism, and whether Pakistan has refused to enter negotiations—do not belong to the Indus water machinery at all. India has its own forums: the UN Security Council, SCO, FATF, and mutual legal assistance regimes. It approached none of them. The Court of Arbitration, in its supplemental award of June 27, 2025, held that India’s “abeyance” has no effect on the court’s competence. A state that suspends performance on its own assessment of another’s breach acts at its own peril, as the ICJ held in the Gabcikovo‑Nagymaros case (1997). India, instead, chose not to join the proceedings or present its case before any international forum. The writer is a former caretaker federal law minister.

summary of the article “Global South Countries: Where South Korea could be a model”:

The article argues that South Korea can serve as a development model for Global South countries, having risen from the ruins of war and poverty to transform from an aid recipient into a donor country. South Korea possesses capabilities in economic development, technology, democratic governance, and digital sectors, and has demonstrated influence by hosting multilateral meetings (e.g., G20 Seoul Summit) and acting as a trusted coordinator in supply chain resilience, climate response, and digital public goods. The current Korean government (took office June 2025) is dedicated to advancing its Global South policy, deepening relationships with Asia’s emerging economies. The article highlights key investments: Samsung’s world’s largest mobile factory in Uttar Pradesh, India; major Korean exports to Bangladesh (iron, steel, plastics, machinery); and Bangladesh’s exports to Korea (woven garments, knitwear, leather, frozen food). South Korea is the 5th largest foreign investor in Bangladesh, with FDI exceeding $1.56 billion across more than 150 companies—nearly 80% concentrated in the RMG and textile sector, employing over 150,000 workers. In May 2026, Bangladesh and South Korea signed a framework for semiconductor research, commercialisation, and talent development. Both nations are negotiating a Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA). The article notes that South Korea has achieved “developed” status and aligns with Western capital interests, making it a donor rather than a true peer, but its focus on building globally competitive industries serves as a role model for Bangladesh and India. The writer is a barrister and human rights activist from Bangladesh.