I Support Gorkhaland

Its Kirti Chakra 🥇 Folks : Another proud moment for the entire Gorkha families living around the globe 🌍.

Meet Subedar Doleshwar S***a, a brave Junior Commissioned Officer of the Indian Army’s elite 2 Para Special Forces.

On 11 April 2025, he showed exceptional courage during a search and tracking operation in the dense forests of Kishtwar, Jammu and Kashmir.

The area was difficult, the forest was thick, and the terrorists were trying to escape through the rugged terrain.

During the operation, Subedar Doleshwar S***a spotted two terrorists attempting to cross a nala.

He quickly understood the situation and repositioned his squad to block their escape route.

The terrorists realised they were trapped and opened heavy fire on the team.

Even under fire, Subedar Doleshwar S***a remained calm and led his men with great control.

He directed accurate counter-fire and wounded one of the terrorists.

Then, with complete disregard for his own safety, he exposed his position to get a clear line of sight on the second terrorist.

With courage, precision, and strong combat skill, he neutralised the terrorist on the spot.

His brave action helped the team eliminate two terrorists during the high-risk operation.

For his unique valour, extraordinary courage, and excellent combat skill, he was awarded the Kirti Chakra.

The Kirti Chakra is India’s second-highest peacetime gallantry award.

Subedar Doleshwar S***a hails from Darjeeling district in the Gorkha hills region.

His journey from the hills of Darjeeling to the elite ranks of 2 Para SF is a proud example of service, bravery, and dedication.

His story is an inspiration for every defence aspirant and every young Indian who dreams of wearing the uniform.

Team Salute 🫡 Subedar Doleshwar S***a for his courage, leadership, and selfless devotion to duty and wish good health and content life.

King Charles just hailed Britain's first Gurkha gun regiment. Five truths the parade did not mention.

The garlands and the gun salute made the news. These did not.

One. The King's Gurkha Artillery is the first Gurkha unit in the British Army built to crew guns. Its badge sets crossed khukuris over a field gun, the first new Gurkha cap badge in 14 years. The Army expects it to grow past 500 gunners by 2029.

Two. Getting in is savage. In the last full intake around 14,000 young Nepali men competed for just over 300 places. One test is the Doko race, a 5.8 kilometre uphill run carrying a 15 kilogram basket on your back.

Three. Gurkha recruitment is not only a British affair. It runs on a 1947 treaty between three governments, Britain, India and Nepal. That treaty promised Gurkhas the same footing as British troops.

Four. Gurkhas have died for Britain since 1815, yet for decades they could not live there. Those who retired before 1997 only won the right to settle in the UK in 2009, after a campaign led by actress Joanna Lumley, whose father served with the Gurkhas.

Five. Behind the parade sits a fight that will not die. Veterans groups say Gurkhas who retired before 1997 still draw far smaller pensions than British soldiers of equal rank. The Ministry of Defence denies it, telling Parliament in February 2026 their pensions already match British peers and often beat them.

New regiment. New cap badge. The same pension fight their grandfathers started, still sitting in Parliament.

So which promise does Britain keep first.

Sources available in graphic.

The aspirants of Gorkhaland must go through this post and clear their doubt regarding Gorkhas and Gorkhaland!

One of our Gorkha Son Shri Mitilesh Barsiley have shared a very deep and ignored facts regarding G𝗼𝗿𝗸𝗵𝗮 𝗖𝗼𝗹𝗼𝗻𝗶𝘀𝗮𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻: 𝗔 𝗛𝗶𝘀𝘁𝗼𝗿𝘆 𝗼𝗳 𝗘𝘅𝗽𝗮𝗻𝘀𝗶𝗼𝗻 𝗮𝗻𝗱 𝗦𝗲𝘁𝘁𝗹𝗲𝗺𝗲𝗻𝘁, 𝗧𝗵𝗲 𝗔𝗜𝗚𝗟 𝘀𝗽𝗲𝗲𝗰𝗵 𝟭𝟵3𝟭!

The historical discourse surrounding Gorkha colonisation and its enduring geopolitical legacy in Darjeeling is deeply intertwined with a complex colonial narrative that originated during the Gorkha Empire’s ambitious eighteenth-century territorial expansion across the Himalayan frontier. Driven by the strategic military consolidation of the Shah dynasty, this formidable epoch of conquest laid the foundational architecture for subsequent waves of demographic shifts, which were later systematically co-opted and accelerated by British colonial administrators seeking to harness Gorkha labour and martial acumen to fortify the Raj. Consequently, the mass migration and institutionalised settlement of Gorkha across the Indian subcontinent—extending from the strategic military cantonments of the northwest to the sprawling, labour-intensive tea plantations of Darjeeling—were often framed within British historiography not as organic diasporic movements, but as orchestrated colonial enterprises designed to serve imperial economic and security imperatives. Today, remnants of this complex colonial narrative and an enduring sense of insecurity still linger in Darjeeling, fueling contemporary socio-political demands as century-old shadows of the past and recurring ghosts continue to reappear in the region.

Headquarters, All India Gurkha League, Bulletin No. 1, 1931 | 6, Circular Road, Dehra Dun.

Proceedings of an Ordinary Meeting of the Gurkha League held at No. 6, Circular Road, Dehra Dun, on Wednesday, the 20th May 1931, under the Chairmanship of Thakur Chandan Singh, President.

President’s Opening Address

Gentlemen,
In welcoming you all to this assembly, I have to thank you warmly for the trouble you have taken in coming here at this time of the year. We have met here today not so much to praise the old League, as to bury what was rotten in it, and to revive the latent force that had been lying dormant all this time. So far as the spirit of the Gurkha League is concerned, I dare say it can and shall never die, for, after all, when you come to reflect seriously, the real League is the inner wish, the desire, and the irrepressible yearning which exists in the heart of every wide-awake and patriotic Gurkha to behold his race advance higher and share the amenities and blessings of human progress and freedom in common with the rest of civilised humanity.

The corporate form of the League may change, as of course it must with the wear and tear of life, but the spirit I have alluded to above can never perish. It is nearly a decade now since this association was first set up in 1921; but it was in 1924 that it assumed its present name and form. During these few years of its manifest existence, we have been able to acquire sufficient experience and learn a good many lessons, the most prominent of which is the necessity of knowing our own selves and being aware of our own inherent failings and limitations; and, secondly, the desirability of never depending too much on others. For lack of this knowledge we have suffered not a little in the past, a fact which ought to open our eyes to realise that we can never be too careful in the selection of our leaders and workers who may be entrusted with the responsible executive functions of this Association.

There are many among us who cannot, and what is worse, will never, appreciate the merits, value, sacrifices, and the difficulties of those who had to bear the brunt of the storm and stress of the hard work which had to be carried on to safeguard and strengthen the very existence of this League and to advance the interests and prestige of the entire Gurkha Community. There are many among us who have contributed nothing whatsoever; who have not moved their little finger; and who are determined—because they are really quite incapable of doing anything better—not to do anything to help the League or its cause beyond heaping carping criticisms, ridicule, and calumny on the organisation and its workers. And, strange to say, it is the meddlesome gentry of this irresponsible class which has all along deemed it to be its birthright to wag long tongues and indulge in all sorts of tall and wild talks to paint the League in the most hideous colours imaginable. To this class of our good friends I have not one single word to address, for they must be ignored with the contempt they deserve. And we ought to bear it in mind that a selfless public worker will never care much about the praise or the unfair criticisms of ignorant, arrogant, jealous, or interested opponents and their combinations. Such people are disturbing and distracting influences from which every sensible worker ought to steer his course of action clear.

𝗢𝘂𝗿 𝗥𝗮𝗶𝘀𝗼𝗻 𝗱’Ê𝘁𝗿𝗲
Having indulged in a measure of self-introspection, I now proceed to survey the work we have been able to accomplish up till now, and the difficulties which we had to face on certain occasions. I confess that our progress has been rather slow; but, we should not lose sight of the fact that from the very start of our career, we had to swim steadily against, not one, but diverse hostile and opposing currents. We must also remember that the institution of the Gurkha League is the first bold and organised attempt which we Gurkhas have ever experimented as a collective body. Our aims and objects have been grossly misrepresented, and our activities have been watched with keen, and sometimes vindictive interest and suspicions, even in quarters from which we expected the greatest support and assistance. I remember the case of a C.I.D. officer having once submitted a very alarming report to the Government relating to the aims and the activities of our Association, which report, in course of time, reached the Army Head-Quarters also. The suspicions aroused in the mind of the authorities concerned may well be imagined.
Fortunately, however, for the League, that very officer came to Dehra Dun after a few weeks, and had to call at the League Head-Quarters to seek our help in his investigations with regard to traffic in Nepalese girls, which assistance was readily offered by us. While discussing the subject of his investigations, a copy of his secret report relating to the League came accidentally to the notice of the Officers of the League who immediately warned the said police officer as to the great injustice he had done to the League by thus misrepresenting its objects and activities. The officer frankly and apologetically admitted his mistake, and confessed that his information was based entirely on the statement of a Nepali of Benares who had insinuated himself into his confidence during his sojourn there in connection with this enquiry. The Nepali referred to was no other person than a very near relation of a notorious Nepali Brahmin who was being then rigorously prosecuted by the League in the interests of the public. One can defend one’s self with confidence if accused before an open court of justice; but there hardly exists any remedy to undo the mischief which may be perpetrated by the trusted agents of the secret police. I feel sure, however, that all cobwebs of misrepresentations and unfounded suspicions are sure to be swept away clean by sheer force of Truth and the integrity of our intentions and purposes.
I have said above that this League is a new and novel experiment on our part. I will try to explain this remark. While advocating unswerving loyalty and dutiful devotion to our King and country, the Gurkha League is a purely democratic institution, which does not recognise, and must never recognise, any artificial distinctions, or false differences, in the natural status of different human beings, based entirely on the accident of birth, or vested interests, unless and until those claims are fully supported and fortified by the merits of character, capacity, cultural attainments, or public services of the individuals concerned. This principle has been thoughtfully accepted by us not so much on 'political' grounds as on religious, social, and economic considerations which seek justice for all and prejudice against none.

Strictly speaking, the Gurkha League is not a ‘political’ association because its activities are mainly directed towards social, educational, and economic reforms. But so intermixed and intermingled are the different phases of human life, that it is impossible to draw any sharp line of demarcation between what may be regarded as exclusively religious, social, political or economic conditions. To my mind, politics cannot but be the very breath of the nostrils of every living and progressive nation, because, in essence, it is the sum-total of its social and national existence. It is not the name which is objectionable, but the methods which are sometimes followed under the guise of that name. Be, however, the meaning of politics what it may, we are concerned only with the problems of our own self-preservation and general welfare, more specially at a time like the present when in the whole world the old order is changing fast, yielding place to new.

The clarion call of freedom, popular government, and self-determination is being sounded loudly not only in India, or in Asia, but throughout the entire civilised world. The world is changing fast; our own immediate environments have undergone a radical change; and as we also live in the same world, we have got to advance along with the march of times. To expect, then, that of all peoples in the world the Gurkhas alone would, or could, remain uninfluenced and unmoved, for all times, by the electric currents and cross-currents of changing ideas, ideals, rising aspirations, and surging hopes, would, verily, be as futile as any vain attempt to re**rd the progress of the solar system. From its very inception the Gurkha League has been sounding the trumpet call, warning its people to gird up their loins and prepare themselves for the impending struggle and change. We are glad to see that our voice has not been a mere cry in the wilderness. I feel happy to think that the seeds we have been sowing so assiduously have not fallen on barren sod. From the highest down to the humblest Gurkha with whom we have been able to establish contact, every one, and all of them, are eager to work for the advancement and progress of the Gurkha race. The future is in the lap of the gods; but we must remember that none but the fittest can survive in this world.

In our efforts to ameliorate the condition of our people we naturally look up to the British Government in so far as our population in British India is concerned. We have every legitimate right and claim to look up to the Nepal Government also for help and guidance in matters affecting the general well-being and prosperity of the entire Gurkha nation, which must ever remain intact, as one indivisible entity, where cultural and higher national interests are at stake. Experience teaches us, however, that those who pitch their hopes too high in others, are, more often than not, sure to be undeceived and disappointed before long. Already, some among the younger generation complain that the British Government’s only interest in the Gurkhas is to maintain and exploit them for military recruitment only; and that beyond this selfish consideration they care naught for the Gurkhas. Many among us protest bitterly that the Government of Nepal, instead of helping us on the lines of progress, has all along studiously followed a policy of sheer reaction, indifference and apathy, sometimes bordering on open hostility, with regard to measures suggested for the betterment of the Gurkhas.

I admit that evidence is not lacking to give rise to such feelings of diffidence and discontentment. It appears to me, however, when I come to think of these problems seriously, that we should not attach too great an importance now to the attitude taken up by this or that Government with regard to ourselves. Let us never forget the melancholy fact that in this human world of ours, our rulers would not care to worry themselves unnecessarily about the people under their governance so long as the people themselves did not learn how to take care of themselves. You know the trite old saying,—“God helps those who help themselves”. How can you, then, expect these palpable human Governments to prove themselves more godly than God Himself? First deserve, then desire, is a very sound principle of life. Self-Help and Self-Reliance shall, therefore, be the keynote of the policy and activities of the Gurkha League hereafter. Needless to say, however, that our future policy would necessarily imply our fullest and most loyal co-operation with both Governments in any measure that they may decide to adopt to help us. With all our little grievances, we must remain loyal to our rulers and to the country we live in. We cannot countenance any agitation or movement which may be subversive of law and order and of the peace and security of society. We feel convinced that any attempt to bring about a state of organised mass defiance of law, is bound, sooner than later, to throw the whole country into a state of anarchy, chaos and devastating civil war which might be likely to destroy all fair chances of Indian freedom.

𝗚𝘂𝗿𝗸𝗵𝗮𝘀 𝗶𝗻 𝗜𝗻𝗱𝗶𝗮 (𝗕𝗿𝗶𝘁𝗶𝘀𝗵 𝗜𝗻𝗱𝗶𝗮)
It is needless for me to go deeply into the earlier history of Gurkha colonisation in India. Suffice it to say that the responsibility for our settlement in India rests primarily and mainly with the Indian and the Nepal Governments. Ever since the conclusion of peace between the two Governments in 1816, Gurkha recruits have been drawn from Nepal in hundreds of thousands, with the result that including the descendants of the old soldiers, there are about three million Gurkhas in India at the present time; and this number is increasing very rapidly as the following report would show. Mr. Gardner, the then British Resident in Nepal, who was mainly instrumental in bringing about the recruitment arrangements with the Nepal Government, was quite mistaken when he said that “even on entering our service, the Gurkhas would not separate themselves from their native country, as they could not remove their families from Nepal.” True, the Gurkhas still possess “that feeling of patriotism which would induce the greater part of them to adhere decidedly to their natural allegiance”; but evidently the force of serious economic pressure was never seriously taken into consideration by politicians on both sides. Out of over six hundred thousand foreign immigrants in India in 1921, over 46 per cent came from Nepal, about 20 per cent from the British Empire, 18 per cent from China, and the remaining from Afghanistan and other countries of the world. I quote the following relevant passage from Chapter III, paragraph 78, pp. 95-96 of the Census of India, 1921, Vol. I, which throws a flood of light on the subject of Gurkha colonisation in India:

“𝘛𝘩𝘦 𝘪𝘮𝘮𝘪𝘨𝘳𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘰𝘯 𝘧𝘳𝘰𝘮 𝘕𝘦𝘱𝘢𝘭 𝘪𝘴 𝘯𝘰𝘵 𝘸𝘪𝘵𝘩𝘰𝘶𝘵 𝘪𝘯𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘵... 𝘛𝘩𝘦 𝘮𝘢𝘫𝘰𝘳𝘪𝘵𝘺 𝘰𝘧 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘕𝘦𝘱𝘢𝘭𝘦𝘴𝘦 𝘦𝘯𝘶𝘮𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘵𝘦𝘥 𝘪𝘯 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘜𝘯𝘪𝘵𝘦𝘥 𝘗𝘳𝘰𝘷𝘪𝘯𝘤𝘦𝘴 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘴𝘪𝘴𝘵 𝘰𝘧 𝘴𝘰𝘭𝘥𝘪𝘦𝘳𝘴 𝘪𝘯 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘎𝘶𝘳𝘬𝘩𝘢 𝘳𝘦𝘨𝘪𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘴 𝘸𝘪𝘵𝘩 𝘵𝘩𝘦𝘪𝘳 𝘧𝘢𝘮𝘪𝘭𝘪𝘦𝘴 𝘢𝘯𝘥 𝘰𝘧 𝘢 𝘴𝘶𝘣𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘯𝘵𝘪𝘢𝘭 𝘯𝘶𝘮𝘣𝘦𝘳 𝘰𝘧 𝘴𝘦𝘵𝘵𝘭𝘦𝘳𝘴 𝘮𝘰𝘴𝘵𝘭𝘺 𝘰𝘭𝘥 𝘴𝘰𝘭𝘥𝘪𝘦𝘳𝘴. 𝘛𝘩𝘦𝘳𝘦 𝘸𝘦𝘳𝘦 𝘎𝘶𝘳𝘬𝘩𝘢 𝘳𝘦𝘨𝘪𝘮𝘦𝘯𝘵𝘴 𝘢𝘭𝘴𝘰 𝘴𝘵𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘰𝘯𝘦𝘥 𝘪𝘯 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘗𝘶𝘯𝘫𝘢𝘣, 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘕𝘰𝘳𝘵𝘩-𝘞𝘦𝘴𝘵 𝘍𝘳𝘰𝘯𝘵𝘪𝘦𝘳 𝘗𝘳𝘰𝘷𝘪𝘯𝘤𝘦, 𝘢𝘯𝘥 𝘉𝘶𝘳𝘮𝘢. 𝘛𝘩𝘦 𝘮𝘪𝘨𝘳𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘰𝘯 𝘪𝘯𝘵𝘰 𝘉𝘦𝘯𝘨𝘢𝘭 𝘢𝘯𝘥 𝘚𝘪𝘬𝘬𝘪𝘮 𝘪𝘴 𝘰𝘧 𝘢 𝘥𝘪𝘧𝘧𝘦𝘳𝘦𝘯𝘵 𝘬𝘪𝘯𝘥. 𝘐𝘯 1891 𝘯𝘦𝘢𝘳𝘭𝘺 𝘵𝘸𝘰-𝘧𝘪𝘧𝘵𝘩𝘴 𝘰𝘧 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘱𝘰𝘱𝘶𝘭𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘰𝘯 𝘰𝘧 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘋𝘢𝘳𝘫𝘦𝘦𝘭𝘪𝘯𝘨 𝘥𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘳𝘪𝘤𝘵 𝘩𝘢𝘥 𝘣𝘦𝘦𝘯 𝘣𝘰𝘳𝘯 𝘪𝘯 𝘕𝘦𝘱𝘢𝘭, 𝘢𝘯𝘥 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘱𝘳𝘰𝘱𝘰𝘳𝘵𝘪𝘰𝘯 𝘰𝘧 𝘕𝘦𝘱𝘢𝘭𝘦𝘴𝘦 𝘣𝘰𝘳𝘯 𝘪𝘯 𝘚𝘪𝘬𝘬𝘪𝘮 𝘪𝘯 1901, 𝘸𝘩𝘦𝘯 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘧𝘪𝘳𝘴𝘵 𝘦𝘯𝘶𝘮𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘰𝘯 𝘰𝘧 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘚𝘵𝘢𝘵𝘦 𝘸𝘢𝘴 𝘵𝘢𝘬𝘦𝘯, 𝘪𝘴 𝘢𝘭𝘮𝘰𝘴𝘵 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘴𝘢𝘮𝘦. 𝘈𝘴 𝘪𝘴 𝘯𝘢𝘵𝘶𝘳𝘢𝘭, 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘰𝘭𝘥 𝘴𝘦𝘵𝘵𝘭𝘦𝘳𝘴 𝘩𝘢𝘷𝘦 𝘥𝘪𝘦𝘥 𝘰𝘶𝘵 𝘢𝘯𝘥 𝘩𝘢𝘷𝘦 𝘣𝘦𝘦𝘯 𝘳𝘦𝘱𝘭𝘢𝘤𝘦𝘥 𝘣𝘺 𝘵𝘩𝘦𝘪𝘳 𝘤𝘩𝘪𝘭𝘥𝘳𝘦𝘯 𝘸𝘩𝘰, 𝘣𝘦𝘪𝘯𝘨 𝘣𝘰𝘳𝘯 𝘪𝘯 𝘐𝘯𝘥𝘪𝘢𝘯 𝘵𝘦𝘳𝘳𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘺, 𝘥𝘰 𝘯𝘰𝘵 𝘧𝘪𝘯𝘥 𝘢 𝘱𝘭𝘢𝘤𝘦 𝘪𝘯 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘳𝘦𝘵𝘶𝘳𝘯𝘴; 𝘣𝘶𝘵 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘧𝘢𝘤𝘵 𝘵𝘩𝘢𝘵 𝘪𝘯 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘦𝘯𝘵 𝘦𝘯𝘶𝘮𝘦𝘳𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘰𝘯 20% 𝘰𝘧 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘋𝘢𝘳𝘫𝘦𝘦𝘭𝘪𝘯𝘨 𝘋𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘳𝘪𝘤𝘵 𝘢𝘯𝘥 25 𝘱𝘦𝘳 𝘤𝘦𝘯𝘵 𝘰𝘧 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘚𝘪𝘬𝘬𝘪𝘮 𝘚𝘵𝘢𝘵𝘦 𝘩𝘢𝘷𝘦 𝘣𝘦𝘦𝘯 𝘳𝘦𝘤𝘰𝘳𝘥𝘦𝘥 𝘢𝘴 𝘣𝘰𝘳𝘯 𝘪𝘯 𝘕𝘦𝘱𝘢𝘭 𝘴𝘩𝘰𝘸𝘴 𝘵𝘩𝘢𝘵 𝘤𝘰𝘭𝘰𝘯𝘪𝘴𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘰𝘯 𝘩𝘢𝘴 𝘣𝘦𝘦𝘯 𝘴𝘵𝘪𝘭𝘭 𝘨𝘰𝘪𝘯𝘨 𝘰𝘯. 𝘛𝘩𝘦 𝘪𝘮𝘮𝘪𝘨𝘳𝘢𝘵𝘪𝘰𝘯 𝘪𝘯 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘑𝘢𝘭𝘱𝘢𝘪𝘨𝘶𝘳𝘪 𝘥𝘪𝘴𝘵𝘳𝘪𝘤𝘵 𝘣𝘦𝘪𝘯𝘨 𝘮𝘢𝘪𝘯𝘭𝘺 𝘤𝘰𝘯𝘯𝘦𝘤𝘵𝘦𝘥 𝘸𝘪𝘵𝘩 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘵𝘦𝘢 𝘨𝘢𝘳𝘥𝘦𝘯 𝘪𝘯𝘥𝘶𝘴𝘵𝘳𝘺 𝘪𝘴 𝘰𝘧 𝘢 𝘭𝘦𝘴𝘴 𝘱𝘦𝘳𝘮𝘢𝘯𝘦𝘯𝘵 𝘯𝘢𝘵𝘶𝘳𝘦... 𝘛𝘩𝘦 𝘕𝘦𝘱𝘢𝘭𝘪 𝘴𝘦𝘵𝘵𝘭𝘦𝘳𝘴 𝘪𝘯 𝘈𝘴𝘴𝘢𝘮 𝘸𝘦𝘳𝘦 𝘰𝘳𝘪𝘨𝘪𝘯𝘢𝘭𝘭𝘺 𝘮𝘰𝘴𝘵𝘭𝘺 𝘰𝘭𝘥 𝘎𝘶𝘳𝘬𝘩𝘢 𝘴𝘰𝘭𝘥𝘪𝘦𝘳𝘴 𝘸𝘩𝘰 𝘩𝘢𝘥 𝘴𝘦𝘵𝘵𝘭𝘦𝘥 𝘥𝘰𝘸𝘯 𝘸𝘪𝘵𝘩 𝘵𝘩𝘦𝘪𝘳 𝘧𝘢𝘮𝘪𝘭𝘪𝘦𝘴, 𝘰𝘳 𝘵𝘦𝘮𝘱𝘰𝘳𝘢𝘳𝘺 𝘰𝘳 𝘱𝘦𝘳𝘪𝘰𝘥𝘪𝘤 𝘷𝘪𝘴𝘪𝘵𝘰𝘳𝘴 𝘧𝘰𝘳 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘮𝘰𝘴𝘵 𝘱𝘢𝘳𝘵 𝘣𝘶𝘧𝘧𝘢𝘭𝘰 𝘨𝘳𝘢𝘻𝘪𝘦𝘳𝘴. 𝘛𝘩𝘦𝘳𝘦 𝘩𝘢𝘴, 𝘩𝘰𝘸𝘦𝘷𝘦𝘳, 𝘣𝘦𝘦𝘯 𝘢 𝘭𝘢𝘳𝘨𝘦 𝘪𝘯𝘧𝘭𝘶𝘹 𝘰𝘧 𝘭𝘢𝘵𝘦 𝘺𝘦𝘢𝘳𝘴 𝘰𝘧 𝘮𝘰𝘳𝘦 𝘱𝘦𝘳𝘮𝘢𝘯𝘦𝘯𝘵 𝘴𝘦𝘵𝘵𝘭𝘦𝘳𝘴 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘮𝘢𝘫𝘰𝘳𝘪𝘵𝘺 𝘰𝘧 𝘸𝘩𝘰𝘮 𝘢𝘳𝘦 𝘤𝘢𝘵𝘵𝘭𝘦-𝘰𝘸𝘯𝘦𝘳𝘴 𝘢𝘯𝘥 𝘨𝘳𝘢𝘻𝘪𝘦𝘳𝘴. 𝘉𝘢𝘴𝘪𝘯𝘨 𝘩𝘪𝘴 𝘦𝘴𝘵𝘪𝘮𝘢𝘵𝘦 𝘰𝘯 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘯𝘶𝘮𝘣𝘦𝘳 𝘰𝘧 𝘱𝘦𝘳𝘴𝘰𝘯𝘴 𝘸𝘩𝘰 𝘴𝘱𝘦𝘢𝘬 𝘕𝘦𝘱𝘢𝘭𝘪 𝘰𝘳 𝘴𝘰𝘮𝘦 𝘬𝘪𝘯𝘥𝘳𝘦𝘥 𝘭𝘢𝘯𝘨𝘶𝘢𝘨𝘦, 𝘔𝘳. 𝘓𝘭𝘰𝘺𝘥 𝘤𝘢𝘭𝘤𝘶𝘭𝘢𝘵𝘦𝘴 𝘵𝘩𝘢𝘵 𝘵𝘩𝘦𝘳𝘦 𝘮𝘶𝘴𝘵 𝘣𝘦 𝘢𝘵 𝘭𝘦𝘢𝘴𝘵 104,000 𝘱𝘦𝘳𝘴𝘰𝘯𝘴 𝘰𝘧 𝘕𝘦𝘱𝘢𝘭𝘪 𝘳𝘢𝘤𝘦 𝘪𝘯 𝘈𝘴𝘴𝘢𝘮 𝘢𝘵 𝘱𝘳𝘦𝘴𝘦𝘯𝘵, 𝘵𝘩𝘦 𝘯𝘶𝘮𝘣𝘦𝘳 𝘩𝘢𝘷𝘪𝘯𝘨 𝘢𝘭𝘮𝘰𝘴𝘵 𝘥𝘰𝘶𝘣𝘭𝘦𝘥 𝘴𝘪𝘯𝘤𝘦 1911.”

The above figures have been taken from the Census Reports of 1901, 1911, and 1921. I have no official data before me at this moment to show the figures for 1931. Omission to enumerate the Gurkhas domiciled in India as a separate community is an act of great injustice and neglect on the part of Government. This culpable defect ought to be remedied in future; and the surest way to have it done is, that every Gurkha must insist on his name being entered in the Census Returns, along with those of the other members of his family, as GURKHAS, irrespective of the fact whether they were born in Nepal or in British India. I am sure, if an accurate census of Gurkhas in India is taken separately, the actual returns will exceed our estimate of three million which the Gurkha League has taken great pains to ascertain.
The exodus from Nepal has almost doubled since the last Great War. I noticed that the number of Gurkhas employed in Calcutta and the neighbouring industrial centres was something about 100,000 in 1927. They are being enlisted in still greater numbers in the Military Police forces of Burma, Bengal, Bihar, and the United Provinces. Besides the 20 regular battalions of the Indian Army, Gurkhas are employed in the local forces by a number of Indian States also. Go to any part of India, from Sindh to the borders of Siam, you are sure to meet the omnipresent Gurkha and his indispensable companion, the Khukri. The Himalayan lowlands, from Kashmere to Bhutan, and Burma, are dotted with numerous permanent Gurkha settlements.

The Nepal Government finds itself in a quandary now, and asks why its people prefer to leave, but not to return to, Nepal; why they settle down in their thousands year after year in British India? It is a question which ought to have engaged their careful, serious, and sympathetic attention decades ago. Things would have been quite different had the crores of the country’s hoarded revenues and wealth been patriotically and wisely diverted to the legitimate needs of the country at large, in devising and carrying out measures to tap and exploit the boundless natural resources of the country, and thus relieving the serious economic pressure by opening works of public utility. But this was not to be! We had better reserve further comments on this subject. Verbum sapienti sat est. We hope we shall all learn by experience.
But what pains and surprises me most is the apparent naïveté of the British authorities in India who insist upon our returning to Nepal after having served our term in the Indian Army. They appear to fear that we shall lose our martial attributes by settling down in an atmosphere of higher civilisation and greater freedom. “Why do the Gurkhas stay in British India when your ‘Raja’ does not want that you should settle down here permanently?” is the most childish question often put to us by some of the well-meaning British Officers even though they may have lived in our midst for many years. It reveals a strange mentality which seems to think that the little race of “Johnie Gurkhas” was created by kind Providence only for the good of the Indian Army! Such questions we ought to leave for discussion between astute diplomats on either side of the river Kali. So far as we Gurkha settlers in India matter, we are only concerned with the patent fact that somehow or the other we do happen to be here as we are; and that it would be as inconvenient for us now to pack up and leave bag and baggage for Nepal, as it would be unprofitable for the British to vacate their world-wide colonies and trudge their way back to Tipperary. I quote below a significant passage from the writings of Brigadier-General the Hon. C. G. Bruce, C. B., M. V. O., late of the 5th and 6th Gurkha Rifles, than whom the Gurkhas never had a more intimate and sincere friend.

“The standard of living in Nepal is, naturally, low, for wages are low, but generally speaking, food is cheap; but still work is very hard. In consequence ever since the war there has been a greater difficulty than ever before in getting discharged soldiers to return to their homes. Looked at in a broad way, this is, no doubt, due very much to the isolation of the country, although the isolation may have been healthy from the point of view of keeping the people primitive and simple in their habits. Yet, once they began to mix freely with the outside world, it was bound to produce difficulties. Men found that they could earn quadruple the amount by taking positions as watchmen, and so forth, in India; that they lived in greater comfort than was possible in their own country, although in greater heat, and, therefore, there was a greater diminution in the number of men who returned to their homes. As a Gurkha, living in India, once said to me, ‘The whole question is this, it is one Chepti Paisa (d.) against one rupee, and the Rupee will always win’. I think that that difficulty is being surmounted, but it still partially obtains, and it is a sign of the times that no matter what laws are made by a State, it is the great fundamental economic laws that will in time prevail, and it is this very same question which has brought difficulties from another quarter.”
Treaties between two high Governments are very respectable engagements as far as it goes, but I think it is high time now when the Governments concerned must consult the wishes of the people also.

𝗖𝗼𝗻𝗱𝗶𝘁𝗶𝗼𝗻𝘀 𝗶𝗻 𝗜𝗻𝗱𝗶𝗮
Our forefathers who came to India were Gurkhas; but we, their own children, are neither Gurkhas nor Indians—neither fish, nor flesh! This statement summarises the gist of our present complaints in India. If this is the only reward for our “gallantry, heroism, and unflinching loyalty to the Sirkar,” I think I shall be a hypocrite if I did not frankly declare that the whole show is a game not worth the candle. We have been denied all rights of popular representation as a community; and our children are the children of nobody. We are neglected on all sides. An Indian-born Gurkha is not freely recruited in the Army, not because he does not possess all the fighting spirit and tenacity of his progenitors, but evidently because he happens to be more educated, and consequently more intelligent, and, therefore, rather more independent in spirit. In the Punjab, Gurkhas have been debarred from acquiring land, because on settling down there they have been summarily classed as a “non-agricultural” community! In fine, no stone appears to have been left unturned to discourage and restrict free Gurkha settlement in India. We naturally feel very strongly on this subject; but let us add this as one more reminder to the many unheeded representations we have submitted to the Government, and wait calmly for the result.

We must, however, make it perfectly clear to all concerned that the Gurkha League is not opposed to the recruitment of Gurkhas for the Indian Army; indeed, we are anxious that Gurkhas should at all times be ready to enlist in larger numbers so as to help the paramount cause of the defence of India on which our own security also depends. What we insist upon, however, is that our interests in this country must also be carefully safeguarded and secured as a matter of right.
It is also necessary that we must strongly and unequivocally condemn those among us, who, in their zeal to advertise their own brand of “loyalty to the Sirkar”, are ever fond of laying down the dictum that loyalty to Government must always presuppose our open hostility to the rest of humanity. Such ignorant, or hypocritical, time-servers should never be taken seriously, for, beyond tickling the vanity of some inexorable die-hards, the hollow opinions expressed by them, have no weight, or value whatever. And yet, it is as astonishing, as it is amusing, to see, that, as a rule, it is this very type of “Gurkha Opinion” which is invited, esteemed, catered for, cherished, valued, and circulated like a current coin in the official and military circles of India!

Our loyalty to the Government cannot necessarily be incompatible with our love for our own country and countrymen in India, because on the well-being of the one ought to depend the welfare of the other. Living as we do in India, we are all sailors in the same boat with the rest of our Indian countrymen: we sink or swim with them. How can we, then, be opposed to those patriotic aspirations and legitimate demands which are being so reasonably made on behalf of the Indian nation—demands, which have been repeatedly recognised even by the British Parliament? Gurkhas are free men, and not slaves without a free will or a mind of their own. Love, loyalty, and patriotism have all their proper values in the balance of things; and so long as we maintain a sense of proportion we can never be accused of betrayal, or go amiss in our conduct of life. We must, therefore, lend our strongest support to the Indian Delegation to the Round Table Conference, and declare our whole-hearted support to the grant of full Dominion Status to India without delay.
Communal Problems

We are opposed to rabid communalism of any kind; and would support common electorates in the provinces as well as at the centre. But if the Muslim community must insist upon the grant of separate electorates, the Gurkha League shall be compelled to take up the same attitude, and claim the same proportion of representation for British-Indian Gurkhas which the Sikhs demand for their community. We do not support the foolish idea of communalising the public services, which would be as dangerous and reprehensible a policy as playing with fire. Public services must invariably always be recruited purely on grounds of merit, regardless of all pretensions as to caste, community, creed, class, or colour. As we do not enjoy the right or privilege of direct or indirect representation in the popular legislatures, we appeal to the generosity of the Indian Government, and the British and Indian Delegations to see that our claims are not overlooked. In point of numerical strength and political importance the domiciled Gurkha community in India occupies the same position within the body-politic of India, as do the valiant Sikh brethren of ours.

𝗢𝘂𝗿 𝗙𝘂𝘁𝘂𝗿𝗲 𝗣𝗿𝗼𝗴𝗿𝗮𝗺𝗺𝗲
The work of organising the entire Gurkha Community in India on sound and solid lines is now our paramount duty. The moral responsibility for accomplishing this work lies heavily on every educated and patriotic Gurkha, wherever one may happen to be. Branches of the League should be set up in every town and village inhabited by Gurkhas. Five or more mutual friends should be sufficient to start a local branch which should be formally affiliated to a central organisation which may be called by the name of the District concerned. All District Branches must likewise be formally affiliated to, and recognised by, the League Head-Quarters, whose decision, in all matters arising out of any local disputes, shall be final.
Periodical Bulletins will be issued from the League Head-Quarters from time to time as may be necessary until such time as we may be able to restart a regular journal to replace those which had to cease publication for want of money. Proposals are also invited with regard to the feasibility of starting a Limited Company to help the publication of a Nepalese journal, and the promotion and publication of Nepalese literature. All these publications shall be supplied at considerably reduced prices, as a special concession, to members of the League only.

Workers are requested to start work at once. They should first of all enlist as many members as possible, and set up local branches everywhere, for the larger the number of our members and Branches, the greater shall be the representative character of the League, as well as our power to work expeditiously and successfully. Membership forms and copies of the Rules will be sent free on application to the League Head-Quarters through recognised local branches. Rules and the Bulletins of the League will be printed both in Nepali and in English, as may be necessary.
If Funds will permit, whole-time paid workers will also be engaged to tour the mofussil areas and educate and foster the growth of public opinion among Gurkhas residing in remote and out of the way places. Members of the League Head-Quarters will also undertake periodical tours whenever and wherever necessary so as to come into direct touch with our people in the various settlements. God willing, it may be possible for us some day to see our dream of starting an Industrial and Technological Institute, an Orphanage, a Widow Ashram and a Rescue Home, as well as an Anglo-Nepalese College, realised before long. Efforts will, as far as possible, be made to relieve unemployment by opening Employment Bureaus for the assistance of the unemployed, and some simple home industries. Every self-respecting Nepali is specially expected to combat the disgraceful evil of traffic in Gurkha girls and women for which Government assistance will, I feel sure, be readily available whenever necessary. Every Branch organisation should have a regular body of volunteers, both males and females, to visit individual homes, enlist members, collect funds, and to relieve distress wherever necessary.

There being a deplorable dearth of public workers among the Gurkhas, it is proposed to open an Ashram which will take the form of a small colony of all workers of the League Head-Quarters at Dehra Dun, as well as a Training Camp for those of our public workers who may decide to devote the remaining years of their lives entirely to the service of the Gurkha League. The Ashram scheme is being seriously considered, and shall be published for general information as early as practicable. Persons desiring admission in the Ashram are requested to communicate with the General-Secretary of the League Head-Quarters, giving all particulars relating to themselves. In this connection it is my proud pleasure and privilege to announce that my esteemed friend, Captain Prince Hem Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana, son of His late Highness Maharaja Sri 3 Dev Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana, has decided to dedicate and devote the rest of his life entirely to the service of the Gurkha League, and his offer has been accepted with grateful thanks and prayers for his long life and success. I am personally beholden to the Rana Saheb for the most selfless services which he is so cheerfully and enthusiastically rendering to the League as its new General-Secretary and for the generous measure of invaluable assistance to me also.

Friends, let me thank you ever so much once again for the patience with which you have listened to me. We are all grateful to all those members of our own Community who have ungrudgingly worked for the League in the past; and our respectful and warmest thanks go out profusely to those of our benefactors and patrons among the Princes and the gentry of India who have contributed so generously towards the funds of this association, and without whose invaluable sympathy and support we would have found it difficult to achieve the success that we have been able to attain up to this time.

𝗥𝗘𝗦𝗢𝗟𝗨𝗧𝗜𝗢𝗡𝗦
The following Resolutions were passed unanimously in the Meeting:
I. — Resolved that the Managing Council of the All-India Gurkha League Head-quarters shall consist of the following gentlemen who will act as such for one year, or till such time thereafter when the next elections may be held:
Thakur Chandan Singh.
Captain Prince Hem Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana.
Rai Sahib Ram Singh.
Babu Nand Ram Thapa.
Babu Hari Singh Thapa.
Thakur Brijendra Singh.
Pandit Moti Ram Pande.
Havildar Dan Singh.
II. — Resolved also that the Managing Council elected above will be fully empowered to co-opt other gentlemen as members in the said Managing Council, in accordance with the Rules, provided that no one shall be so co-opted unless and until he has signed a membership pledge of the League, and has been accepted formally as a Member of the Gurkha League.
III. — Resolved that the following office-bearers be elected for the ensuing term:
President: Thakur Chandan Singh.
Vice-Presidents: 1. Rai Sahib Ram Singh, and 2. Prince Narendra Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana (who is co-opted by the Managing Council subject to conditions laid down in Resolution II supra.)
General-Secretary: Captain Prince Hem Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana.
Secretary: Mr. Hari Singh Thapa.
IV. — Resolved that the offices of the League Head-Quarters be removed at once to No. 6, Circular Road, Dehra Dun, near the residence of the present President, or to any other place in Dehra Dun which may be most convenient for the President and his Staff.
V. — Resolved that until further notice, the Allahabad Bank Ltd., Dehra Dun, shall continue to be the Bankers of the All-India Gurkha League Head-Quarters, as heretofore.
VI. — Resolved that the offer of dedication of his life to the service of the Gurkha League made by Captain Prince Hem Shumshere Jung Bahadur Rana be most gratefully accepted and that patriotic Gurkhas be invited to follow the laudable example set by the said Prince.
VII. — Resolved further that while fully sympathising with, and strongly supporting all legitimate aspirations of the Indian nation, the Gurkha League does not countenance and favour any unconstitutional and violent agitation against the Government.
The Meeting terminated with a vote of thanks to the Chair.

(Sd.) CHANDAN SINGH, THAKUR,
President, All-India Gurkha League
No. 6, Circular Road, Dehra Dun,
20-5-1931.

HEM SHUMSHERE JUNG BAHADUR RANA, Captain.
General-Secretary, AIGL